Pricing vs. Regulation
The prevailing view among economists and policy people is that a broad carbon price set by new legislation is vastly superior in efficiency terms to EPA regulation under the existing Clean Air Act (CAA). This is especially true if the CAA is assumed to be a tool for traditional command-and-control regulation, but the perception seems to hold even if you suggest limited market-based approaches under the CAA.
The reasons for this are relatively simple, and familiar to most people with some understanding of policy economics. Markets are a more efficient tool for getting policy results where the players have different ways of contributing to the desired result, and where regulators don’t know that much about these players. In technical terms, markets are superior where opportunities for reaching the goal most cheaply are heterogeneous, and where regulators lack information about those opportunities.
To illustrate this, imagine you, your spouse, and your kids are at the state fair. Having spent the afternoon playing carnival games, everyone is hungry. You want everyone to enjoy their dinner as much as possible while spending the smallest amount of your family’s money you can. There are lots of stands selling all kinds of tasty food, but everyone wants something different. Since you’re carrying the wallet, you could just pick one of the many food stands. You could also ask everyone what they each want, and try to fashion a compromise. But neither of these options is going to result in everyone being happy, and might cost more too.
One solution is to give each member of the family some money and let them each buy their own dinner – and let them keep the change. Since everyone knows what they want for dinner, and has an incentive to spend less, the result should be the maximum satisfaction for the lowest cost to the family. You can then all sit down together and enjoy the meal – some of you will have corn dogs, some will have barbecue, etc. One of the kids might end up with a stick of cotton candy and lots of money left over, but that’s OK (if it’s not, you can limit the available choices in advance – though with a reduction in the level of satisfaction).
This analogy isn’t perfect since you aren’t really creating a market, but it does illustrate the value of pushing decisions down and creating incentives. At the state fair, you are like the regulator in climate policy: you know the results you want, but your family has varying preferences about which you have little good information. In climate policy, there are countless opportunities to reduce carbon emissions which vary greatly in cost. The EPA, with all its expertise, knows relatively little about what these opportunities are, much less about how much they cost. A price on carbon – just like giving money to your family members – allows those with the best information to make the decisions.
In the long run, these conditions are certainly true for climate policy. An economywide carbon price is undoubtedly the most efficient way to achieve a reduction in emissions. This is what makes legislation so much more appealing than regulation under the CAA. Even the most creative forms of CAA regulation can’t create an economywide carbon price, and many of them won’t result in any kind of carbon price at all – they’ll just be blanket requirements to do (or not do) something specific, regardless of whether it’s the cheapest method of reducing emissions. The result is higher costs per unit of emissions reduction… in the long run.
The Short Run
But this might not necessarily be true in the short run. Let’s briefly return to our analogy. You don’t know what each family member wants for dinner – that’s why you sent them off to make their own choices. But you aren’t completely clueless. You do know there are some things that everybody is going to want when they have dinner. Everyone will want a seat at the picnic table. Everyone will want some napkins. You might also have pretty good information about what some people in the family want. Even if you don’t know what your spouse wants for dinner, you can probably make a very good guess about what he or she wants to drink. You can take care of all of these things yourself without any appreciable change in anyone’s enjoyment of dinner. Grab a table, get some napkins and plastic silverware, and get a beer for you and your spouse. Everyone will be just as happy (maybe even better off, since you saved some time). This works because in these cases, preferences are similar (homogeneous) and/or you have relatively good information. Might the same conditions sometimes hold for climate policy?
In some cases, they might. Some industries have fewer participants and are more homogenous than others. Regulators also might have more information about them. Take coal power plants, for example. Reducing emissions from coal in the long run will require major changes: either carbon capture and storage (CCS) or large-scale switching to cleaner fuels. But in the short run, some things are clear. Many coal plants aren’t as efficient as they could be – the EPA estimates that the existing fleet could be made 2-5% more efficient on average. Many coal plants could also burn biomass, reducing their net carbon emissions. The EPA estimates doing so would mean another 2-5% reduction in emissions from coal. We don’t know exactly how much either of these moves would cost, but we can be pretty sure that neither would be as expensive as CCS or switching to natural gas. We’ve written here at RFF on policies the EPA could use under the CAA to reach these emissions reductions from coal.
If there were a price on carbon, we can therefore be relatively sure that coal plants would make these moves. They might not be the very first emissions-reducing moves the plants make, but they might be, and they would certainly be among the earliest. In these cases, therefore, the basic conditions under which a market is superior don’t hold: opportunities are relatively homogenous, and the regulator has decent information. Therefore the efficiency advantages of a market aren’t there or at least aren’t as large. Just like with your family’s dinner at the fair, there are certain more-or-less obvious choices that can be made in the short run with little or no penalty.
Of course, this doesn’t hold true in the long run or for all sectors of the economy. Carbon emissions are simply too pervasive in our society for any regulator to hope to be able to force their reduction in any efficient way without a price. But in the short term, there are real opportunities – low-hanging-fruit, to use the cliché – that regulators can go after with the CAA or other tools, without a big efficiency penalty.
The Good, the Perfect, and the Clean Air Act
This is an observation worth making because in reality we don’t have a carbon price, however economically attractive it is. Getting one will be politically difficult and will take time. In the long run, we will have a price – it’s the only reasonable outcome. But there is still a short term worth worrying about. Doing nothing to reduce emissions during that time is making the perfect the enemy of the good. Saying we shouldn’t use the CAA because it’s less efficient than a carbon price is also a false dichotomy – it’s possible to do one now and the other as soon as possible. Moreover, action under the CAA is legally required – the Supreme Court made that clear in Massachusetts v. EPA. The EPA tried to argue then that better policies were coming, and that Congress, not the EPA, had to decide what to do about carbon. The Court rejected those arguments.
In short, the distaste among economists and some policy people for climate regulation under the CAA is somewhat misplaced. So long as the CAA is viewed not as a replacement for a carbon price, but as a short-term supplement to it, it is relatively appealing. We realize that taking this position goes somewhat against the trend in economic and policy thought over the past few decades towards market-based solutions to environmental problems. But we don’t suggest unearthing and reanimating the corpse of command-and-control regulation. Rather, we think that under certain, limited conditions regulation short of an economywide price on carbon can achieve similar results at similar cost. Just as importantly, the CAA, unlike a carbon price, is a tool we actually have. The policy community should help the EPA identify opportunities to use the statute effectively, rather than dismiss it as useless or counterproductive. It need not be either.
Dallas Burtraw is a Senior Fellow, and Nathan Richardson a Visiting Scholar at RFF.